1. Politico, “House Panel Prods EPA on Carbon Storage Worries”
March 12, 2014
By Erica Martinson
Opponents of a key EPA greenhouse gas regulation launched a fresh attack on EPA’s proposed rules for new power plants on Wednesday, questioning whether the agency had adequately considered the environmental threats from pumping carbon underground.
The new issue emerged as Republicans on the House Energy and Commerce Committee on Wednesday also opened an investigation into the EPA’s determination that carbon capture technology is viable for new coal-fired power plants.
At a hearing with the House Science committee’s panel on the environment, Rep. David Schweikert (R-Ariz.) questioned the EPA claims that carbon capture and storage is really ready to be rolled out. “My fear is … the law of unintended consequences,” he said.
The opponents of EPA’s rule pushed the agency to revisit a myriad of environmental problems that they contend could arise after the carbon is stripped out, from the safety of drinking water to endangered species.
EPA has proposed a greenhouse gas limit for future coal-fired power plants that would essentially require them to capture 30 to 60 percent of their carbon dioxide emissions. The agency has argued its regulation is the driver needed to push the technology into commercial use, but its opponents say the technology is too expensive, too new and unproven.
For now, the most likely endpoint for all that carbon dioxide is in the oil fields, where it can be used in enhanced oil recovery to squeeze more crude oil out of aging wells.
But alternately, the carbon pollution from one type of fossil fuel doesn’t have to be used to help produce another. Several years ago EPA set up a permitting program for long-term underground storage of carbon dioxide, setting environmental standards for power producers to capture their carbon and inject it far underground in certain types of geologic structures.
“We transport coal thousands of miles” to burn, said Natural Resources Defense Council attorney David Hawkins. Surely the carbon dioxide from that coal can be transported hundreds of miles to be injected underground or used in oil fields, he said, defending the prospects for long-term carbon sequestration.
EPA’s proposed rule doesn’t delve into carbon storage issues — it just provides an emissions limit the companies will need to hit using whatever technology they decide is the most cost effective.
“The regulatory approach to the sequestration and storage is not within the four corners of this rule — it is addressed in other regulatory programs,” EPA’s acting air chief Janet McCabe told the panel.
For opponents of EPA’s effort to curb the greenhouse gases from power plants, the carbon dioxide storage issues are the newest point of contention around the rules that President Barack Obama has asked the agency to roll out.
Rep. Jim Bridenstine (R-Okla.) pressed McCabe on the carbon dioxide storage, charging that “it is misleading and dangerous for the EPA to quietly dismiss inconvenient facts,” and he pointed to concerns about the programmatic separation of carbon capture and sequestration processes that has been previously raised by EPA’s science advisers.
“Staying silent on the last step of the process proves the lack of demonstrated commercial viability,” said Rep. Cynthia Lummis, (R-Wy.).
“The EPA is ignoring the consequences of their rulemaking to instead set legal precedent for mandating unproven technologies. They need to go back and assess the impacts of this rule on non-air issues. There is no science behind the de facto mandated storage requirement,” she added.
Some Republicans on the committee questioned whether EPA had adequately tested whether injecting carbon dioxide underground would harm drinking water aquifers. And several members of the Texas delegation on Wednesday suggested that EPA’s Safe Drinking Water Act regulations for storing carbon dioxide could add unnecessary burdens for industry.
Bridenstine also pressed McCabe on whether the agency has asked the Fish and Wildlife Service to consult on Endangered Species Act concerns — echoing a previous request from some Senate Republicans.
Republicans on the committee have previously complained the plants EPA had cited to show that carbon capture is viable at a commercial scale have all received government funding. That makes them ineligible to be the basis in the rulemaking under a provision of the Energy Policy Act of 2005, they argue.
EPA has countered that with a notice of data availability to support its contention that the proposed rule doesn’t run afoul of the 2005 law.
“We do believe that the proposal we put forward meets the requirements of the Clean Air Act for determining technology that’s appropriate,” McCabe said Wednesday.
The agency doesn’t set the technology — just the limit, she added.
“That’s one of the beauties of how the Clean Air Act has worked over the years … it provides room for innovation and flexibility and smart people … finding better and less costly ways to do things,” she said.
2. Huffington Post, “The Climate Crisis is Here”
March 13, 2014
By Peter Morton
Los Angeles — Here in California, we have been experiencing the worst drought on record. More than a meteorological curiosity, this has been a calamity for many people and a hardship on the economy, the world’s 8th largest if we were an independent country.
Crops are dying in California’s once lush fields, source of half the country’s fruits and vegetables, wildfires have been raging throughout the state, ranchers have sold cows they can’t feed, wells are running dry and towns are running out of water, salmon fisheries are threatened as streams dwindle to a trickle. The governor of the state has declared a drought emergency, and the cost of the drought has soared past $5 billion, by some estimates.
This is what climate change looks like.
We’ve been hit by droughts before, and we would face more in the future even if we weren’t loading up our atmosphere with heat-trapping carbon pollution. But the scientific models are also clear that climate change will make droughts like this more frequent and more severe. It is causing sea levels to rise, worsening the impact of coastal storms and allowing diseases and pests to spread more widely, among other consequences.
Yet the truth is that in Los Angeles, where I live, we don’t grow food and our taps have not run dry, so we’re feeling less of the impact from this drought. And that is part of the real problem with America’s struggle to address the climate crisis, the gravest environmental threat of our time.
Too many folks still don’t get it.
Because they are not directly affected, too many people remain oblivious to the reality that climate change is already here and that we are already paying a huge price for it. Too many are unaware of the far, far greater expenses we will incur in the future from climate disruption, caused by humans pumping 90 million of tons of heat-trapping pollution into the atmosphere every day. Too many politicians, backed by the oil, natural gas and coal industries, point only to the costs of cleaning up this pollution.
They always exaggerate these costs. Worse, they refuse to admit that we are already suffering the consequences of our inaction, and they deny that any more calamities are to come. Yet the facts tell a different story:
— Across the U.S. in the first six months of 2012, 24,000 heat records were broken, and 2013 was one of the 10 hottest years on record. Drought affected about two-thirds of the continental United States in 2012 and was blamed for $30 billion in agricultural losses and another $1 billion in destruction from wildfires.
— The flow of the Colorado River, which winds across the western third of the U.S. to northern Mexico and provides water for 30 million people, is at its lowest levels since measurements in Arizona began more than 90 years ago. The most recent draft of the government’s National Climate Assessment warns that with a changing climate, in the Colorado River Basin, “…drought is projected to become more frequent, intense, and longer lasting than in the historical record.”
— The Rocky Mountains in Canada and the U.S. have seen nearly 70,000 square miles of forest die since 2000 due to outbreaks of tree-killing insects that are now able to survive in the warmer winters.
— Water scarcity already affects every continent. Around 1.2 billion people, or almost one-fifth of the world’s population, live in areas of physical scarcity, and 500 million people are approaching this situation.
— Ocean acidification, caused by the massive carbon pollution in the air, has contributed to the death of 40 percent of the coral reefs in the Caribbean. Half the corals in the U.S. and its territories, and as many as 70 percent worldwide, including Australia’s Great Barrier Reef, are severely degraded or at risk of extinction. Coral reefs are home to one-fourth of all marine species and provide habitat to fish and shellfish that feed half a billion people.
— After nearly 2,000 years with relatively little change, sea levels rose an average of seven inches just during the 20th century. In this century, if current warming patterns continue, sea levels could rise 10 to 23 inches, according to the Intergovernmental panel on Climate Change. In the U.S., roughly 100 million people live in coastal areas within three feet of mean sea level.
— By 2050, we can expect up to 1 billion additional “climate refugees” who will be driven from their homes by drought, famine, flooding, coastal erosion and monster storms. This unprecedented scale of refugee movement threatens to destabilize entire regions.
But we are not powerless to slow and eventually reverse the accumulation of atmospheric carbon pollution that is driving climate chaos. As individuals, as consumers and as citizens, we can all play a role in eliminating waste, living more efficiently, getting more of our energy from clean sources and demanding action from our elected officials.
We can waste less food (40 percent of the food in the U.S. goes uneaten) to lower the demands on our fossil fuel-intensive agricultural system. We can choose a climate-friendly diet, high in locally produced, organic foods, especially fruits, vegetables and grains, and low in meat. (Particularly beef, which, largely due to methane emissions from cows, has a carbon footprint at least 10 times larger than chicken).
We can drive less, buy more fuel-efficient cars, and insulate our houses. Increased efficiency, in fact, is the unsung hero in the climate battle. Over the past 40 years, according to a recent report by the Natural Resources Defense Council, a leading environmental group, “efficiency’s contribution to meeting the nation’s overall energy needs exceeded that of all fossil and nuclear resources combined.” Using the best technology, factories and businesses can produce more with less dirty energy.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we can demand that our leaders acknowledge the real threats of climate change, ignore the fear-mongering from the fossil fuel industry, and take the steps necessary to cut the carbon pollution that is choking the planet. The NRDC and other conservation groups have outlined a number of steps that the government should take, but one stands out: cut the carbon pollution from fossil-fueled electric power plants.
These plants are the source of 40 percent of America’s carbon pollution, and the Environmental Protection Agency has the authority and the obligation under the law to take action. The polluters, predictably, cry this will devastate the American economy, but NRDC has conducted an exhaustive study that shows a flexible, state-by-state approach can cut carbon pollution sharply at a reasonable cost.
Solving the climate crisis is not a technical problem, it is a political one. Politicians will take steps to restore the environment and protect human health if, and only if, citizens and voters demand it. The public generally favors clean air and water and limits on carbon pollution. But the fossil energy industry, powerful and wealthy, has mobilized its forces to block progress.
That means citizens who want to move climate to the top of the political agenda will have to mobilize as well, by supporting, with determination, persistence and funding, organizations that are dedicated to averting climate chaos.
Apathy is not an option. We have a moral obligation to future generations to act on climate change now.
3. Huffington Post, “’Social Cost of Carbon’ Too Low, Report Says”
March 13, 2014
By Kate Sheppard
WASHINGTON -– The U.S. government uses $37 as its estimate of how much a ton of carbon dioxide emitted into the atmosphere costs, including decreased agricultural productivity, damage from rising sea levels and harm to human health related to climate change. The Obama administration updated that figure, known as the “social cost of carbon,” in November.
But a report released Thursday argues that $37 is far too low. It doesn’t include costs of other major climate impacts, such as increased respiratory illness from higher pollen or ozone, or the spread of insect-borne diseases such as Lyme disease, or the toll that ocean acidification will take on fisheries.
The report comes from the environmental groups Natural Resources Defense Council and Environmental Defense Fund, and the Institute for Policy Integrity, based at New York University’s School of Law. Policy Integrity economic fellow Peter Howard authored the report, posted on the group’s website, Cost of Carbon.
The $37 figure, said Gernot Wagner, a senior economist at Environmental Defense Fund, is the “most scientifically sound estimate coming out of climate economic models right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s complete.”
The report argues the current social cost of carbon estimate is “biased downwards.” The estimate doesn’t consider climate impacts well-established in scientific literature, but not easily quantifiable as a cost.
“What we know is bad,” said Wagner. “What we don’t know makes it worse.”
An interagency working group of scientists and economists from the National Economic Council, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Council on Environmental Quality, as well as the departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Energy, Transportation, and Treasury, determines the social cost of carbon. The figure is created using integrated assessment models, which combine climate and economic modeling. The working group periodically reviews the cost. The update in November was the first since 2010, when it was set at $24 a ton.
The figure is used in cost-benefit analyses for proposed regulations, allowing agencies to evaluate the economic benefits of new rules. For example, when considering regulations limiting greenhouse gas emissions from power plants, the dollar figure allows the agencies to quantify future benefits of avoiding additional emissions. The higher the number, the more benefits are derived from a new rule limiting those emissions.
The report highlights areas the current cost estimate for carbon is missing, including loss of labor productivity due to extreme heat, potential climate change impact on crop-destroying pests, and climate-fueled wildfires.
Impacts on fisheries are also largely omitted from government models, including problems caused by ocean acidification, warmer ocean temperatures and algae blooms. Because the fishing industry is a major part of the economy in many parts of the world, with many people relying on it for jobs and for food, climate change is likely to bring significant costs.
Industry groups, and Republicans in Congress, won’t like the suggestion that the government’s carbon cost should be higher. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the American Petroleum Institute have criticized the federal government’s $37 figure, arguing that the models haven’t been adequately reviewed by scientists and economists. Republicans slammed last year’s increase to the figure.
The report does not suggest an alternate figure. Instead, it highlights areas where there is increasing scientific and economic research that could be used in future estimates.
“What we are doing with this report is pointing the light, guiding scientists toward the kinds of missing damages that ought to be included in the next iteration,” said Wagner.
4. The Nation, “The Pesticide Industry Vs. Consumers: Not a Fair Fight”
March 11, 2014
By Lee Fang
In a small regulatory office in Sacramento, California, in 2007, a handful of farmworkers and scientists gathered to explain to state officials why chlorpyrifos, a widely used pesticide, should be considered a toxicant under Proposition 65, a state law that prohibits businesses from discharging substances known to cause birth defects and reproductive harm into the drinking water.
Chlorpyrifos, an organophosphate insecticide, was first developed as a cousin to the nerve agents stockpiled during World War II. The chemical has been banned for household use for more than a decade, and studies have shown that infants born to mothers with high levels of chlorpyrifos in their bodies have significantly higher rates of neurodevelopmental disorders, problems with in utero development, brain impairments, low birth weights and endocrine disruption.
Workers who handle produce, though less at risk, are also endangered by exposure to chlorpyrifos, a chemical sprayed to kill worms and other pests. Many have been found to experience headaches, seizures and bouts of vomiting.
But in the agricultural fields of America, where mostly migrant laborers and their families work to produce almonds, corn, peaches, grapes, alfalfa and other crops, chlorpyrifos is still applied with regularity. The chemical is known to stay on the bodies and clothing of workers when they return home to their families, and it easily drifts with the wind into local community
buildings—from daycare centers and hospitals to churches and playgrounds. California farmers use about
1.3 million pounds of it every year.
Remembering that meeting in Sacramento, Margaret Reeves, a senior scientist with the Pesticide Action Network (PAN), recalls that people critical of chlorpyrifos “each got one to two minutes to speak.” Then came the scientists working for Dow Chemical, the principal manufacturer of the chemical in the United States.
“There were five Dow scientists, and they each got five to ten minutes. It was mind-boggling, the preference for their input over the victims and the consumer rights advocates and the farmworker advocates,” says Dr. Reeves.
The advocates have also been overpowered financially by the industry. Over the last decade, PAN has spent about $21,000 on lobbying in Sacramento. Dow, meanwhile, has spent more than $1.2 million on lobbying in the California capital during the same period.
In the end, chlorpyrifos was not deemed by the state to be a toxic substance subject to regulation under California’s Prop 65.
This imbalance of power in favor of industry also prevails at the national level, stalling progress in Washington on protecting farmworkers from dangerous chemicals used in agriculture.
In 1996, Congress passed the Food Quality Protection Act, which required the EPA to create standards for protecting children from pesticide use by 2006. That deadline has long since passed, and critics argue there has not been enough regulatory action. The EPA has also refused a request from PAN North America and the Natural Resources Defense Council for a ban on chlorpyrifos.
Finally, in January of this year, the EPA opened for public comment a rule on evaluating the environmental and human health risks caused by pesticide drift from farms into nearby areas, including homes and schools. And last month, the agency released a long-awaited proposal to update safety laws regarding the handling of pesticides by farmworkers.
But pesticide manufacturers are poised to beat back the EPA’s efforts. CropLife America—a trade group for companies including Dow, Bayer and DuPont that spends more than $14 million a year on research and advocacy—is not only in close communication with the EPA; it has worked with congressional allies to block the agency’s attempts at regulation. The organization called on Representative Darrell Issa of California, chair of the House Oversight Committee, to investigate the administration for pursuing agricultural regulations, including the so-called “spray-drift” rules. According to CropLife officials, these reforms “unnecessarily cost farmers time, money and liability, and significantly impact U.S. agriculture and the economy.” In response, Issa has held multiple hearings to undermine the EPA—under the guise of protecting “Job Creators Still Buried by Red Tape,” as one session relating to the EPA regulations on pesticides was titled.
Dow Chemical and other companies are relying on close ties forged with other legislators, particularly those in the Republican Party. In addition to Issa’s committee, a number of GOP legislators have sponsored amendments to appropriation bills that would block EPA action on pesticide rules. The recently passed farm bill included a bipartisan amendment exempting certain forms of pesticide pollution from enforcement under the Clean Water Act.
Farmworker advocates can bring few political resources to the table, but the pesticide industry extends the promise of re-election to its allies. After the
Supreme Court enabled unlimited corporate spending
in politics with its Citizens United decision, Dow Chemical increased its contributions to politically active nonprofits. The company hiked donations to the US Chamber of Commerce from $1.7 million in 2009 to more than $2.9 million in 2012. These funds augmented the $644,143 in direct contributions made by Dow’s political action committee to largely Republican federal candidates in the last election.
In a troubling display of post–Citizens United politics, the American Chemistry Council, another trade group funded by Dow and other pesticide producers, began airing campaign-style advertisements in favor of industry-friendly politicians, even those in safe seats. In many cases, the ads have aired well more than a year before the election, a visible reminder that allegiance to chemical companies comes with political rewards.
Although studies in California suggest that a shift from chlorpyrifos to less toxic pesticides would come at minimal cost to farmers, the transition has been slow. And for Dow, which manufactures two chlorpyrifos-based products, Dursban and Lorsban, the status quo is quite lucrative: the company, which produces a range of chemical products, generated over $4.8 billion in profits last year.
Dow has not only emerged as a powerhouse
of traditional lobbying; it has also kept up the pressure on regulators in other ways. The company maintains a website, Chlorpyrifos Protects (chlorpyrifos.com), that gives the public an accessible platform for sending letters to the EPA opposing regulation.
Meanwhile, informational fact sheets distributed by Dow attempt to sow doubt about the potential health risks. “Since any substance can cause harm given sufficient exposure, nothing can be called ‘safe’ in absolute terms,” reads one chlorpyrifos white paper sponsored by the company. “A couple tablets of aspirin, for example, can relieve a headache. But an overdose of aspirin can be fatal.”
These efforts, however extensive, are only the more aboveground forms of advocacy. If the battle over atrazine, another controversial pesticide, is any indication, more subterranean lobbying is probably afoot.
As recent court documents reveal, Syngenta, the producer of atrazine, doled out grants to a wide array of public relations firms, political pundits and think tanks to discredit Berkeley professor Tyrone Hayes, whose research found that atrazine causes reproductive deformities in frogs. (A recent article in The New Yorker by Rachel Aviv chronicled the company’s years-long campaign against Hayes.) Some tactics used by Syngenta were reminiscent of the ’90s-era tobacco wars, or the more recent attempts by the fossil-fuel industry to block action on climate change. Right-leaning think tanks—including the Cato Institute, the Heartland Institute, the American Enterprise Institute and the Center for the Defense of Free Enterprise—were listed in Syngenta’s internal “third party stakeholder” database. Officials from some of the organizations on that list received contributions from Syngenta to place opinion pieces in local media defending atrazine. To win over journalists and scientists, Syngenta offered expense-paid trips to Switzerland, where the company is based.
But there were also some innovations in building influence. A Syngenta public relations document instructs company officials to purchase “Tyrone Hayes” as a search term on the Internet, “so that anytime someone searches for Tyrone’s material, the first thing they see is our material, not his,” according to filings with the Madison County Circuit Court in Illinois.
Syngenta officials also debated whether to encourage CropLife America, the pesticide trade association now fighting the spray-drift rule, to lead a pro-pesticide campaign to shift public opinion. Citing recent industry efforts to reshape the perception of biotechnology and the plastics industry, Syngenta concluded that “the public image of Syngenta would improve if the public image of pesticides/pesticide companies
improved overall.”
Dow, meanwhile, is accused of conducting an underhanded campaign against critics of chemicals like chlorpyrifos and di-
oxin. “Dow hired a private security firm to obtain confidential information about Greenpeace,” charges Charlie Cray, a research specialist with the environmental group. “The firm hired former intelligence and off-duty police officers to steal documents from Greenpeace’s offices and plant paid informants inside allied organizations.” Last year, after Greenpeace filed a lawsuit against Dow and other defendants, a Superior Court judge in Washington, DC, dismissed four of its claims—a decision the group is appealing—but allowed part of the suit to move forward. (Dow officials did not respond to requests for comment.)
In the current battle over pesticide regulation, Dow has given presentations to agricultural officials portraying groups like PAN as outside the mainstream. Last year, a Dow lobbyist in New Zealand attempted to downplay PAN’s arguments about chlori-
pyrifos. In one slide, he argued that the pesticide must be safe because it is not listed as a toxicant under Prop 65 in
California—a state in which Dow dominates the political process.
While the larger efforts to control and
regulate chlorpyrifos may have stalled, the EPA in February released a long-awaited rule to at least inform farmworkers of better safety standards for handling harmful pesticides. The original safety rule was created in the mid-1990s. Advocacy groups criticized it as weak and poorly enforced. An updated version was supposed to be released in 2008; why the EPA took another five-plus years to act remains a mystery.
The newly released rule builds on the existing regulations to ensure that all workers handling pesticides are at least 16 years old (except in cases of family farms). The rule also updates the law to ensure that workers will undergo training every year (rather than the previous standard of every five years) to learn about the health risks associated with pesticide use and how to handle these chemicals safely during application.
But along with that step forward, there has also been a step back. The EPA’s new standard removes a requirement that farms provide a central posting of information about pesticides. Under the new proposal, workers may obtain pesticide information if they ask for it, but the requirement that such information must be posted in an area where workers congregate has been eliminated.
So why the delays, and the arguably weakened pesticide safety rules? “Our best guess is that there has been very strong industry pushback,” says Dr. Reeves.
She might be on to something. White House logs show that just weeks before the EPA released the new worker-protection standard, there was at least one major meeting between administration officials and four senior officers from CropLife America.
5. Bloomberg BNA, “Florida Sen. Nelson Calls Sea-Level Rise, Climate Change ‘Compelling Story,’ Announces Hearing”
March 12, 2014
By Anthony Adragna
Sen. Bill Nelson (D-Fla.) told Bloomberg BNA he plans to hold a field hearing April 22 in Miami Beach with members of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation on the effects of climate change and sea level rise.
It is not clear whether the hearing will be a full committee or subcommittee hearing. Nelson chairs the Subcommittee on Science and Space.
“South Florida is the area that is most threatened by sea level rise in the continental U.S.,” Nelson told Bloomberg BNA.
Nelson said the hearing also will examine how local governments in the area are adjusting to the impacts of both climate change and sea level rise and how shifts in the climate are affecting budgetary decisions in local communities.
A day earlier, during the Senate’s all-night session on climate change, Nelson took to the floor to call South Florida “ground zero for sea level rise.”
“What is threatened the most in the continental United States is the Miami area,” Nelson said March 10. “We have a compelling story to tell.”
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development has identified South Florida as one of the vulnerable regions in the world to property damage as a result of sea level rise.
A city official told Bloomberg BNA in December 2012 that Miami modified building codes to require new buildings to be more resilient to hurricanes and has increased its number of stormwater pumps from four to 11 over the past 10 years .
South Florida ‘Highly Vulnerable.’
Projections for sea level rise in South Florida are 1.5 feet to 2.3 feet by mid-century and three feet to five feet by 2100, leaving the region “highly vulnerable to the effects of global sea level rise,” according to the Natural Resources Defense Council.
“Infrastructure in highly-developed areas that are at risk include power plants, power generating facilities, airports, solid waste disposal sites, schools, prisons and hospitals,” according to the 2011 NRDC fact sheet.
6. Reno Gazette-Journal, “Nevada Near Top on ‘Clean’ Jobs List”
March 12, 2014
By Yvonne Beasley
A new report lists Nevada as No. 7 on a list of states with the most clean-energy jobs announced in 2013.
The Silver State generated more than 3,300 jobs last year in sectors tracked by the report’s sponsor, Environmental Entrepreneurs (E2).
Other states in the report’s top 10 are California, Texas, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, Illinois, Oregon, New York and Missouri.
Most of the state’s new jobs were in the solar industry, said Bob Keefe, communications director for E2.
On the Northern Nevada side of the E2 map are:
A solar project at the Desert Research Institute in Reno.
Solar arrays at the Apple data center east of Sparks.
A geothermal project at TGP Dixie in Pershing County.
A geothermal project headed by Ormat, near the Nevada border in Mono County, Calif.
Statewide solar projects by Solar City.
To see all the report’s renewable projects in Nevada, visit www.cleanenergyworksforus.org.
Nevada is on track to get 25 percent of its energy from renewable sources by 2025. That means more jobs in the future, according to Keefe.
“We’ll see job growth from people manufacturing, installing and making these solar projects work,” he said.
The E2 report, released Wednesday, tracked 78,600 jobs from about 260 projects around the country.
“Obviously, you’ve got a lot of sun out there, but you’ve also got great renewable portfolio standard policies in Nevada,” Keefe said. Renewable portfolio standards are designed to increase generation of electricity from renewable resources, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
E2 is a business-policy group affiliated with the Natural Resources Defense Council, a national environmental action group.
7. Al Jazeera America, “Agent Orange from Farm to Table”
March 12, 2014
By Anna Lappé
While my sister-in-law put the finishing touches on Thanksgiving dinner, I listened to her friend recount the losing battle her husband, a Vietnam veteran, fought with lung cancer. She explained her husband’s illness was caused by his wartime exposure to the toxic defoliant Agent Orange, produced primarily by two companies, Dow Chemical and Monsanto. Named for the colored band on its transport tanks, Agent Orange was a cocktail of chemicals, including an herbicide called 2,4-D. Shortly after the spraying — conducted to deprive guerrilla fighters of cover and a food supply — started in 1962, reports began to emerge of serious health effects, from birth defects to other illnesses. To this day, the U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs offers an Agent Orange registry health exam for the possible long-term problems caused by exposure, and more than 40,000 veterans have submitted disability claims. The Red Cross estimates that 1 million Vietnamese were affected, including third-generation children born with severe birth defects.
In January the U.S. Department of Agriculture opened a public comment period on the environmental and health impacts of a new suite of crops engineered to be resistant to 2,4-D. These corn and soybean plants, produced by Dow AgroSciences, a subsidiary of Dow Chemical, would be the first developed to be resistant to the herbicide.
According to experts, the introduction of these new crops could cause 2,4-D use to jump, big time. Chuck Benbrook, a pesticide policy expert with the Center for Sustaining Agriculture and Natural Resources at Washington State University, has estimated that if it’s approved, the engineered corn could cause applications of 2,4-D to jump 20-fold by 2019.
That’s particularly concerning because experts have long shown that 2,4-D causes serious harm to humans, especially when used over vast swaths of farmland and lawns. Largely because of such concern, the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) petitioned the Environmental Protection Agency to revoke the chemical’s approval, first granted in 1948.
NRDC researchers and other critics of 2,4-D point to studies showing the chemical is a neurotoxin and that exposure to it can cause hormone disruption, certain forms of cancer and genetic mutations. The chemical has also been linked to lowered sperm counts, liver disease and Parkinson’s disease as well as adverse effects on reproductive and immune systems. What’s further worrisome is that 2,4-D is known to drift, affecting areas near farms, including streams, rivers and wildlife.
In April 2012 the EPA rejected the NRDC’s petition, stating that the group did not prove that the chemical was unsafe in the manner it is used. Despite the EPA’s actions, public health advocates have maintained that there are serious human health impacts, based on compelling evidence from peer-reviewed studies around the world. A University of Minnesota study found a greater frequency of genetic mutations in pesticide applicators who had higher rates of 2,4-D in their urine. A National Cancer Institute study found farmers exposed to 2,4-D upward of 20 days a year had a higher risk of developing non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma than nonfarmers did, by a factor of six. The EPA’s fact sheet notes that the chemical has shown toxic effects on the thyroid and gonads and expresses concern about potential “endocrine-disrupting effects.”
With all these risks, why are chemical companies like Dow and Monsanto formulating seeds to be resistant to this decades-old chemical with a terrible health track record? The USDA said these new crops are intended to “help address the problem of weeds that have developed resistance to other herbicides.”
But what’s driving the weed resistance in the first place? In part, the widespread use of another genetically engineered technology by the same chemical companies: Roundup Ready corn and soybeans developed by Monsanto. Introduced in the 1990s, Roundup Ready corn and soybeans account for 70 and 90 percent of those crops, respectively. Since then, farmers have sprayed so much of the relatively inexpensive Roundup herbicide that weeds have been developing resistance. Roundup-resistant weeds now pose such a problem for farmers that the head of the Arkansas Association of Conservation Districts told The New York Times these superweeds are “the single largest threat to production agriculture that we have ever seen.”
But, 2,4-D-resistant genetically engineered corn and soybean seeds will lead to more weed resistance. In 2012 the trade journal Weed Science reported on new, previously undocumented 2,4-D-resistant weeds. As the new plants encourage more spraying of 2,4-D, this weed resistance will expand. This is particularly worrisome because 2,4-D is much more toxic than Roundup; it is the seventh-largest source of dioxins (PDF) in our environment, and it bioaccumulates, meaning it builds up in our bodies and in the environment over time. “If Dow Chemical’s 2,4-D-tolerant corn and soy crops are approved by the USDA, hundreds of millions more pounds (PDF) of this toxic chemical will be used on crops, with ever-increasing residues on our food,” the Center for Food Safety’s Rebecca Spector told me. And because 2,4-D can drift, even organic crops, grown by farmers who by definition do not use herbicides, are at risk from neighbors using those genetically engineered seeds.
The real motivation behind the introduction of those products is Monsanto’s and Dow’s bottom lines. Simply put, producing new herbicide-resistant seeds is one of the best ways to boost sales of chemicals. “[Genetically engineered] seeds are the growth engine of pesticide companies,” said Marcia Ishii-Eiteman, a senior scientist at the Pesticide Action Network, a coalition that seeks to replace harmful pesticides with ecologically sound alternatives. “This is the primary reason that pesticide companies began buying up seed companies in the 1980s and then engineering seeds to be used with proprietary pesticides. The profitable trend for chemical companies continues today and has kept American farmers on this pesticide treadmill.
Decades after Agent Orange was sprayed over South Vietnam, we have borne witness to the human toll of exposure to its cocktail of chemicals, including 2,4-D. It would be wise to approach with extreme caution any regulatory action that would encourage more — not less — use of 2,4-D. What’s more, herbicide use on American farmland simply perpetuates a vicious cycle: Spraying leads to weed resistance, which leads to more spraying. The solution is to break the cycle by investing in a different kind of innovation, one that promotes ecological solutions to weed control.
On March 11, the USDA’s Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service closed its public comment period on the question of regulating these new crops. If the USDA approves the seeds, the EPA still has to assess whether and how 2,4-D should be sprayed. Until then, environmental and health advocates, such as the Center for Food Safety, are urging Americans to air their concerns about this new use of genetic engineering. It’s time we pivot from a corrosive cycle and support the kind of innovations that get decades-old, toxic chemicals off our farms, fields and lawns.
8. ClimateWire, “Calif.’s Pioneering Low-Carbon Fuels Rule Could See Multiple Changes”
March 12, 2014
By Anne C. Mulkern
California’s landmark law requiring lower-carbon fuels is poised for a rewrite.
Advisers to the state’s Air Resources Board yesterday detailed proposed revisions to the low-carbon fuel standard (LCFS), a first-in-the-nation regulation. Potential changes include allowing oil companies to earn program credits for making refinery upgrades that shrink greenhouse gas pollution.
That amendment would give businesses more options while still meeting goals of the program, ARB staff said. The projects also could lower the cost of complying with the state’s cap-and-trade program for carbon emissions, said Mike Waugh, chief of ARB’s transportation fuels branch.
“If you can reduce your GHG emissions at the refinery itself, you reduce your obligation under cap and trade, but legitimately, you reduce your emissions and your life cycle for the LCFS,” Waugh said. “So you can do something that benefits both programs.”
Representatives from oil companies, alternative fuels manufacturers, environmental groups and health associations crowded into a meeting room in Sacramento to hear about the changes. It became so packed that it violated a fire code limit of 90 people, forcing many to relocate to another site where they watched remotely.
Revisions to LCFS would go before the board for a vote later this year. Agency staff is recommending that ARB readopt the regulation, which was first approved in 2009. It’s one of several rules rolled out after passage of the states’ 2006 climate law, A.B. 32. Transportation accounts for about 40 percent of California’s greenhouse gas emissions.
The proposed LCFS rewrite follows a 5th District Court of Appeal ruling that ARB when it approved the fuels law violated the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) and the state Administrative Procedures Act (APA). The court last summer said that the agency could continue to enforce LCFS while it worked to rectify the issues (ClimateWire, July 16, 2013).
The LCFS aims to cut the carbon content of fuels sold in California 10 percent by 2020. To meet that goal, a fuel blender must keep the average carbon intensity (or CI) in its total volume produced below an annual limit set by ARB. The mandate is frozen at 1 percent reduction because of the court ruling.
ARB staff said there are signs that the LCFS is working with regulated companies reporting 5.4 million metric tons of credits and 3.3 million metric tons of deficits through 2012.
But agency aides also are analyzing what low-carbon-intensity fuels are likely to be available for compliance by 2020 as well as the 2030 time frame “based on industry, academic, and government sources,” it said in a concept paper. “Staff is also in the process of identifying which of these fuels are likely to come to California to be used for compliance with the LCFS.”
Oil companies want changes
Many oil companies see the LCFS as unworkable. They repeated their concerns yesterday as ARB staff detailed the proposed changes.
“A limit on sufficient volumes of low enough CI fuels will occur prior to 2020, which will impact longer-term compliance,” said Gina Grey, the Western States Petroleum Association’s vice president for strategic policy for fuels. “The development of commercial-scale, ultra-low CI fuel, such as cellulosic ethanol, has been much slower than originally envisioned.”
Although there will be some transition to lower-carbon fuels, she said, “staying the course with the current program design could result in disruptions in the marketplace. Our conclusion is that a program revision is needed.”
Miles Heller, director of California fuels and regulatory issues at Tesoro, asked whether ARB would be allowing credit for improvement projects done since 2010, the base-line year for the LCFS.
Waugh said no firm decision has been made but that his initial response was that credits would only be given “henceforth.”
Environmental groups said they wanted to prevent any revisions that would dilute the strength of the program. The 10 percent reduction by 2020 is “tremendously important,” said Tim O’Connor, attorney with the Environmental Defense Fund. “I don’t think that the court would have wanted ARB to back away from that.”
“The uncertainty that’s created when you do that sort of can become the self-fulfilling prophecy,” he said. “You create the uncertainty, and then you don’t get the fuels that can come and be online to meet the standard, so maintaining that commitment” to the 2020 goal is vital.
Simon Mui, director of the California vehicles and fuels program at the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), said that there is room for oil companies to help meet their LCFS obligations through emissions reductions along the petroleum development chain.
An NRDC report last year found that improvements at refineries and at the crude oil production level could go toward 17 to 33 percent of the low-carbon fuel standard by 2020. Those could be done through refinery improvements that include energy efficiency, adding renewable power, and carbon capture and sequestration.
But if projects are allowed for credits, he said, green groups want assurances that the state is not “inadvertently creating anything that would create a backsliding mechanism for the other parts of the refinery. We really want to see a strong counting mechanism here.”
Other revisions proposed
The ARB staff also is suggesting other revisions to the LCFS. Those include looking at different carbon intensity levels for 2015 through 2020. That’s needed because the current level of 1 percent by 2015 would have been in place three years.
“Staff currently has no proposal to change the average carbon intensity target of 10 percent by 2020,” the concept paper said. “However, staff believes that some post-2015 ‘curve-smoothing’ will be appropriate.” The study on projected fuel availability “will inform the 2016-2020 compliance targets.”
ARB also will be looking at post-2020 targets that call for carbon intensity reductions above 10 percent.
In addition, staff is looking at adding a “cost-containment” provision. There are two possible options. One would be a “Credit Clearance Option,” under which regulated parties would be allowed to carry over carbon cut deficits to the next compliance period. They would need to purchase their required share of credits, which would be made available during a “credit clearance” period.
“Deficits that are carried over would become part of that regulated party’s cumulative compliance obligation and incur interest, to be repaid in subsequent compliance years,” the concept paper said.
The other alternative would be a “Credit Window Option.” Under that, if regulated parties were unable to obtain sufficient credits on the open market, they could buy compliance-only credits from ARB at a predetermined price. Proceeds would go into the Air Pollution Control Fund, unless directed differently by the Legislature.
One oil company executive questioned whether many of the proposed revisions would damage the LCFS and its market-driven promise.
“It actually circumvents the whole purpose of the LCFS,” said David Stern, senior adviser on advanced fuels at Exxon Mobil Corp. The credit window and credits for emissions reductions at refineries are “off-ramps” from the program, he said.
“All options divert from the intended purpose of the LCFS, which is to try to encourage investment and development of low-carbon-intensity fuels,” Stern said. Exxon Mobil has invested $600 million in algae biofuel technologies.
Waugh with ARB responded that the program is market-driven and that “having a healthy credit market — and healthy means reasonable credit prices — will drive investment.”